Libyan eastern tribal leader survives assassination attempt

The car of Salah Al-Atewish, head of the Magharba tribe in eastern Libya, exploded just after he left a mosque in Benghazi after Friday prayers in an apparent assassination attempt.

Salah was taken to hospital along with a colleague who was injured in the blast as well. Salah is said to be in good condition while the condition of his colleague is critical. The incident happened in the Sid Faraj district of Benghazi. Apparently a bomb was placed under his car. It is not known yet if there were others injured by the blast according to the Libya Herald. The Libya Observer reports that Atewish's injuries were minor. Atewish was visited in the hospital by his son along with Saiqa special forces commander Wanid Bukhamada.

Some local observers are blaming the action on acting GNA defense minister Al-Mahdi Al-Barghathi together with some Benghazi militants as well as Ibrahim Jadhran who are also said to be intending to try to retake the oil ports and oil fields occupied by Khalifa Haftar commander of the House of Representatives' (HoR) Libyan National Army (LNA).

Atewish had been instrumental in helping Haftar seize the terminal and oil fields in September by urging members of his tribe based around the city of Ajdabiya to avoid bloodshed and not fight. Ibrahim Jadhran, an opponent of Haftar, former head of the Petroleum Facilities Guard along with his family are also part of the tribe. Atewish has since expressed his support for both the LNA and Khalifa Haftar.

As the Observer reports Benghazi has experienced many political murders lately:The war-torn city has been plunged into political murder. Last week, the head of Libyan Anti-Corruption Organization Mohamed Abu Gaiqis was killed in a car bomb explosion in Al-Kish square, one day before 10 bodies were found in a landfill site in Ziat Street. Two of the bodies were identified as Farhat Migherhi and Hussien Sharief, both are political opponents to Dignity Operation.Even more recently several members of the former 204 Tank Brigade that was commanded by Al-Barghathi, an opponent of Haftar, were murdered and their bodies showed signs of torture. According to a recent tweet the Al-Barghathi's house in Benghazi was torched after he criticized Haftar and the LNA: "#MoD Barghathi office to alnaba tv, protesters burned his house in #Benghazi after tonight statement against #LNA #Libya"

Interview with Marshal Khalifa Haftar reveals his policies

In written responses to questions from the Associated Press, commander of the Libyan National Army (LNA), Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, said that his armed forces only recognized the authority of the Al-Thinni House of Representatives (HoR) government.

The HoR government, based in Tobruk, is a rival to the UN-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli. Haftar refuses to recognize the GNA government and no doubt helped ensure that the GNA has never been able to win a vote of confidence in the HoR as required by the Libya Political Agreement (LPA). The term of the GNA is supposed to start after the vote and the HoR would become the legislature of the GNA.

The HoR has twice rejected the GNA the last time being on August 22. The Presidency Council (PC) of the GNA is to present a new list of eight ministers to the HoR to vote and also to amend the constitutional declaration to incorporate the GNA in the constitution. However, although a recent joint statement of many nations reiterated the need for the vote, there is no sign yet of the list or any date set for a vote, more than a month later. Meanwhile, Haftar has taken over four key oil ports from his rival Ibrahim Jodran, who heads, or did head, the Petroleum Facilities Guard (PFG). It appears that lip service is still being paid to the long-standing policy of having the HoR vote confidence in the GNA and thus join the GNA as its legislature. At the same time, Haftar is gaining more power and more external support from countries such as Egypt, Russia, Jordan and the UAE. He has advanced to within about 50 kilometers of Sirte, taking over former Islamic State territory to the east that had been captured by the PFG. The UN envoy to Libya Martin Kobler, and the PM of the GNA Faiez Serraj appear desperate to negotiate a deal with Haftar to join the GNA. However, Haftar gives no sign of even wanting to negotiate. Certainly, he will not join a GNA in which the PC rather than he serve the role of commander in chief.

Haftar's tactics are simply to continue with his Operation Dignity which aims to clear Libya of Islamists or at least those who oppose him including militias who at present are allied with the GNA. In his interview, Haftar claims that the country would be better served by a leader with a high-level of military experience. No doubt Haftar has himself in mind for the role. As the problems of the GNA multiply and it is unable to extend its power in the east and other parts of the country, Haftar is seen increasingly as a strong leader able to defeat terrorists and restore order and stability to Libya. This would enable foreign powers to have safe access to Libyan oil resources and profitably develop them. Egypt's president Abdel el-Sisi is highly regarded by Haftar and the feeling is mutual with el-SIsi strongly supporting Haftar, in spite of pledging along with other countries to recognize and support only the GNA.

In his interview, Haftar specifically cites Egypt as a success: "Military people who were elected to lead their country achieved remarkable success." Actually Egypt is still plagued by terrorist violence, has a horrible human rights record, and its economy needed to be bailed out not just by rich Arab neighbors but by the IMF. Haftar would not say whether or not he would seek the highest office in Libya. He said Libya first needed security with political and social stability.

Haftar blames Libya's problems on the Muslim Brotherhood and claims that Tripoli has been hijacked by armed gangs whose expansion has created rogue militias and Islamist factions. Certainly, the Brotherhood does have some influence in the GNA. The militias are a problem, and so far the GNA has not developed its own separate armed forces to provide security and control them. However, militias loyal to Haftar also cause havoc and are involved in clashes.

Haftar also lashed out at UN envoy Martin Kobler whom he accuses of meddling in Libyan affairs. Kobler allegedly tried to set up a meeting between Haftar and Serraj to discuss the makeup of the Libyan army. At first, when Haftar seized the four oil terminals at Ras Lanuf, Es Sidra, Zuwetina, and Brega a number of nations including the U.S., France, Italy, Germany, the U.K. and Spain demanded Haftar withdraw. After Haftar announced the ports would be handed over to the National Oil Company (NOC) and oil exports resumed, there were no more demands to withdraw.

Haftar has no plans to withdraw from the area and said: "The Libyan National Army's priorities are to protect the oil fields and ports of export." Haftar also called for the UN to lift the arms embargo on Libya. The UN has agreed to partially lift it but only to provide arms to groups vetted by the GNA not to the LNA which is not under GNA control.

There is considerable evidence that during some periods Haftar was helped by the CIA to flee to the U.S. where he became commander of the armed wing of the Libyan National Salvation Front. In the 1990's he claimed that he was building an armed force with U.S. help to topple Gadaffi. Haftar claimed in his interview that he has never worked with the CIA: "If I was working for U.S. intelligence they would be my first supporters with weapons and money." Up until now the U.S. has been a strong backer of the GNA so it is quite possible that he is getting no money from the CIA. If he does, it is probably through the UAE or other supporters. Perhaps the CIA may decide it should compete with Russia to curry Haftar's favor, especially if they think he will eventually win out over the GNA. A recent tweet provides a warning for the west to perhaps notice that it should support the military horse Haftar rather than that plodding technocratic horse Serraj: "Khalifa Haftar has requested #Russia to end its arms embargo on #Libya, begin supplying weapons & military equipment".

First reactions to Haftar's seizure of four oil ports muted

The Petroleum Facilities Guards(PFG) had an agreement with the UN-brokered Government of National Accord (GNA) to open three oil crescent ports for export Es Sidra, Ras Lanuf and Zuwetina.

You would think that the seizure of at least two of the three ports, Es Sidra, and Ras Lanuf, by the Libyan National Army commanded by General Khalifa Haftar, would bring immediate condemnation. Haftar does not recognize the Tripoli-based NOC nor the GNA but the rival House of Representatives government of PM Al-Thinni. The agreement with the PFG is useless and the NOC must strike a deal with Haftar and the rival government. Whatever his past misdeeds, leader of the PFG Ibrahim Jodhran, recognized the GNA and cooperated with them. Haftar has never done so. The lack of quick response to the events is overwhelming. As I write this there still seems to be no response from the EU or the United States.

Martin Kobler, Special Representative of the Secretary-General issued a tweet that failed either to condemn the attacks or even mention General Haftar: "worried about reported fighting in the oil crescent will add to division and further restricting oil exports. oil belongs to ALL libyans." He is right to be worried since up to now Haftar has not recognized the GNA or its national oil company, NOC. The deal with the PFG is as good as dead. However, surely he should have condemned the unprovoked act which is obviously designed to give Haftar more power in negotiating with the GNA and UN. The UN shows that it fears to challenge Haftar. Is it any wonder that Haftar goes on increasing his power in the east and ignoring the UN and the GNA? He refuses even to talk to Kobler. Yet Kobler insists that Haftar must be "part of the solution": "The UN envoy has previously called for the formation of a united Libyan army that would include Haftar. "He must be part of a solution," said Kobler."

The international cheerleaders of the GNA, the EU the U.S. and others have so far been silent. Only the GNA itself has issued a statement on the official page of the media office. The statement notes that foreign mercenaries had taken part in the attacks along with Haftar's forces. The statement said the attack was a violation of Libyan sovereignty and urged all national forces to confront the attack. According to the statement an attack was launched on the port of Brega as well.

An LNA spokesperson has issued tweets that say the army will not interfere in the export of oil : "Col. Mismari: Army will not interfere in affairs, exports or make deals. Oil to be a strictly civilian domain #Libya" And another: LNA says #Libya Natl Oil Corp to take control over ports w/o army interference in operations. The problem is that the NOC involved is not specified nor is the government that is the civilian domain spoken of. Haftar and the LNA take the Al-Thinni government not the GNA as the legitimate government of the LNA.

All talk of the pressing need for the GNA to present a new cabinet to be voted on by the HoR is gone. The Libya Political Agreement appears to be forgotten. The pressing issue is to strike a deal with Haftar at a cost that is continually rising.

Unity Libyan government signs deal to open oil ports

Two members of the Presidency Council (PC) of the Libyan Government of National Accord (GNA), Musa Koni and Ahmed Mahdi, along with defense minister Mahdi Al-Barghathi, flew to Ras Lanuf today to sign a deal to open the terminal there and at Es Sidre.

Barghathi and Koni both flew in from Cairo, where they had been with GNA Prime Minister Faiez Serraj where they had talks with the rival House of Representatives head Ageela Saleh. The deal is with Ibrahim Jadhran, head of the Petroleum Facilities Guard (PFG). While details of the deal are yet to be released it is understood that a significant amount will be paid to Jadhran, including back salaries of what he claims are his 23,000 PFG forces. Some claim these numbers have been inflated and the real number is closer to 12,000 with only about 3,000 of those working within the PFG.

The deal seems to have been worked out between Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), Martin Kobler, who went to Ras Lanuf, and met with Jadhran about a week ago. The head of the Libyan National Oil Company (NOC) Mustafa Sanallah wrote a letter to Kobler filled with criticisms of the deal. Apparently, Kobler did not consult Sanallah on the deal. The Presidency Council of the GNA must have agreed to sign the resulting agreement.

Sanallah has said he will not lift force majeure on the ports if there is an agreement to pay Jadhran. As long as there is force majeure, exporters have no guarantee that contracts will be met making it very risky to use the ports.

Sanallah claimed the deal set a terrible precedent through rewarding Jadhran for extorting money from the state through shutting the ports.

Sanallah has rejected the agreement with Jadhran, accusing him of being a trickster. Sanallah also accused UN envoy Martin Kobler of backing one of the biggest deceivers in the country. Sanallah accused Presidency Council member Fathi Mijibri, a close ally to Jadhran, of using his position to capture the NOC. Sanallah even threatened to withdraw NOC recognition of the UN-installed government. Before that happens I would expect that Sanallah would be fired. There has been no statement from Sanallah as yet about the signing of the deal.

The Observer reports the government agreed to pay an LYD 241 million to Jodran in order to resume exports, but a source confirmed that only LYD 85 million out of the total amount has been paid to him so far. Ajdabiya mayor Salem Jodran, brother of Ibrahim Jodran, confirmed that the agreement to reopen the ports was reached after ensuring the rights of PFG employees and their salaries.

Stakeholders who have control of oil infrastructure have long insisted they need to be compensated for keeping ports open, allowing exports or production. Tribes south of the ports want some compensation as does Khalifa Haftar, commander of the Libyan National Army, whose forces control some fields. The House of Representatives (HoR) government also demands revenue from export sales.. The latter insists that any tanker that loads oil must have a permit from the eastern-based National Oil Company. There is supposed to be one merged NOC but the deal establishing it has not been accepted by the HoR.

UN envoy to Libya suggests the Libyan army could be decentralized.

In an interview in Cairo with the Associated Press (AP), Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) Martin Kobler suggested a new reconstituted army of the Government of National Accord (GNA) could be decentralized.

Kobler sees a decentralized armed forces as a way of helping to prevent political gridlock that seems to be gripping the country now, as he is unable to convince the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HoR) to vote confidence in the GNA and become its legislature. Kobler spoke to the AP after he had talks in Cairo with a number of Libyan officials aimed at finding a solution to the political impasse. Egypt is a strong supporter of Haftar. Haftar and his allies insist on his remaining commander-in-chief of any new Libyan National Army (LNA). Haftar is now just commander-in-chief of the LNA associated with the Tobruk-based House of Representatives(HoR) government of PM Abdullah Al-Thinni.

Kobler has been discussing the formation of military councils from the three historic regions of Libya: the west (Tripolitania), the east (Cyrenaica) and the south (Fezzan). The leadership of the armed forces is a point of contention between the GNA and the HoR. Haftar has considerable support in the east, including support for his Operation Dignity, aimed at ridding Libya of Islamic extremists whom he regards as terrorists. Haftar appears to consider any group with Islamist tendencies who oppose him as terrorists. This would include groups such as the Misrata brigades who are leading the offensive against the Islamic State (IS) in Sirte.

Many in the west consider Haftar a war criminal and do not want him to have any position in new GNA armed forces. The Misrata brigades would be among those in strong opposition to Haftar.

Any regional decentralization would be complicated by the fact that there are groups in the east who support the GNA and in the west who support Haftar. The Petroleum Facilities Guard (PFG) headed by Ibrahim Jodhran support the GNA and are opposed to Haftar, while the Zintan brigades in the west are loyal to Haftar. The situation is complicated in the south as well where different areas are held by different groups.

The Kobler plan seems fraught with difficulties. What makes the situation even worse is that there is no sign that Haftar is interested in what Kobler is trying to do or would agree to a reduced role in the GNA as a commander of a region. As Kobler points out his requests for a meeting with Kobler have been denied.

In a rare admission of the problems he faces, Kobler said that although the GNA had international recognition and backing it lacked "national legitimacy." Until Kobler manages to get the HoR to vote confidence in the GNA, it is not clear how the GNA can serve as a credible interim government for up to two years while a new constitution is approved setting guidelines for parliamentary and presidential elections. It is not clear either how setting up regional military councils would help advance this process.

Chris Stephen tweeted recently: #Libya UN envoy army plan seems to mean single command Zintan-Misrata in Tripolitania and Benghazi Shura Council-army in Cyrenaica.

As I noted, earlier, any unified command even within the western or eastern areas is complicated by divisions within them. In the case of the Benghazi Shura Council, Haftar and the LNA are not about to share a command with them but intend to eliminate them, and the same appears to be the case with the Shura Council of Jihadists in Derna. It is not likely Haftar would agree to unite with the PFG either. The Zintan brigades and those of Misrata are also completely at odds, with Misrata supporting the GNA and opposing Haftar, while Zintan brigades are loyal to Haftar.

Kobler notes that the GNA army cannot be formed until the various militias disband and turn in their weapons. This should be done through negotiations he suggests, to avoid a possible civil war. However, there appears no movement towards reaching this goal and the GNA is dependent upon various militia groups for security. However, as clashes and protests have shown, the GNA often has little control over the actions of different militia groups. Kobler thinks that forming regional councils may encourage militias to disband. Given the divisions within the three areas, it is not clear why or how this would happen.

However, Kobler claims he is still in favor of a unified Libyan army structure. This was his aim prior to the offensive against Sirte but Haftar refused to join even though he himself claimed he was marching to liberate the city. Kobler claimed: "You can't have a united Libya with two or three armies." However, it is not clear how this view is consistent with having three military councils in three different regions. If Haftar were commander of the Cyrenaica region he might not accept a commander of all three regions chosen by the GNA. He appears to have no interest in Kobler's scheme in any event. He would probably agree with Kobler that you need one army for a united Libya — one army with Khalifa Haftar as commander-in-chief.

Islamic State in Libya now attacked from the east by Petroleum Facilities Guard

Salem Jedran, mayor of the town of Ajdabiya, says troops of the Petroleum Facilities Guard (PFG) are advancing toward the town of Bin Jawad, which has been held by the Islamic State (IS) since early January.

Jedran claimed that clashes are underway on eastern outskirts of the town. Bin Jawad is about 160 kilometers or 99 miles from the city of Sirte the main stronghold of IS in Libya. A recent tweet includes photos allegedly of the PFG near Bin Jawad: "#Libya : Pro-PFG account released pics of #PFG near Bin Jawad. Localization could be 19km from Bin Jawad - FB ".

The Libya Herald reports that two units of the central region (PFG) from Ajdabiya had moved within a few kilometers of Nufliva and Bin Jawad. A source close to the head of the guards, Ibrahim Jadhran, told the paper that it was "amost" in control of Bin Jawad and very near Nufliya. Jadhran is an opponent of Haftar. Reportedly he has been fired and replaced by the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HoR) of PM Al-Thinni. The firing appears not to have taken effect. Jadhran supports the GNA unlike Haftar. The area is heavily mined and two PFG fighters are already reported wounded and sent to Ras Lanuf for medical treatment. The two towns being attacked are thirty kilometers apart and are being attacked by separate units. Nufliya is being approached through desert tracks rather than the road.

The Islamic State is now facing attacks from two fronts. Reports say that the Misrata militia are just 30 kilometers from the city center. The Libyan Gazette reports that forces loyal to the Government of National Accord are now surrounding Sirte. Another report claims that the forces have taken control of the Khaleej power steam plant, even closer to Sirte at 20 kilometers. It had been overtaken by IS just a year ago. The Facebook page of the western operations room Bunyan Marsous (BMOR) claimed that they are working together with the PFG. A PFG source said he did not know but that the Misratan troops would not be allowed to move east to Nufliva and Bin Jawad. No doubt Haftar will be perturbed by what is happening. The PFG supports more power for the eastern area Cyrenaica.

In spite of the fact the Islamic State will have huge problems defending two fronts, Haftar has not yet attacked from the east even though he announced he was marching to liberate Sirte weeks ago. He recently had a council of war with his eastern commanders. His western Zintan area Chief of Staff, Abdul Razak Al-Nazhuri, was not present. He recently threatened to "liberate" Tripoli. The GNA PM Serraj and the UN's Martin Kobler do not seem to have noticed. The meeting discussed the army buildup for the advance towards Sirte. Apparently the army is gathered south of the town of Ajdabiya and the group talked of the logistics of a westward advance. They also talked about security in Benghazi after all the militants had been cleared out. Haftar may find that his enemies within the PFG and in the Misrata militia have already defeated IS before he gets started. He has been busy with Operation Volcano attacking Shura Council jihadists who were instrumental in clearing the Islamic State out of the city.

Haftar gains control of 14 oil fields in Libya

According to a report in the Libya Herald, the minister of defence in the Government of National Accord (GNA), Mahdi Barghathi, flew to Tripoli from Ras Lanuf where he just finished talks with Ibrahim Jodhran, head of the Petroleum Facilities Guard (PFG).

The Herald reports:

He flew into Mitiga from Ras Lanuf where yesterday he had further talks with Ibrahim Jadhran, the commander of the Petroleum Facilities’ Guards (PFG) in the central region. The meeting coincided with reports that the Libyan National Army, under the control of Khalifa Hafter, has now taken control of more than a dozen oil fields in the Sirte basin that before the so-called Islamic State started raiding them had been secured by the PFG.The Libya Observer earlier reported that Haftar had seized 14 oil fields in the Mirada and Zilla basins.

Jadhran supports the GNA and is opposed to Haftar, who in turn opposes Jadhran and Barghathi, even though he is or was part of Operation Dignity. The Haftar-led military operation started in May 2014 and is intended to clear Libya of Islamists who are his enemies, including those in Misrata who are fighting the Islamic State. GNA ministers are heading to Tripoli to start working from there. Apparently Barghathi left Benghazi and Ras Lanuf without "permission from Haftar." Haftar has twice kept prime minister of the HoR, Al-Thinni, from flying out of Libya.

When Barghathi left Benghazi he went to Sidra to inspect PFG forces. Jhadran welcomed him and along with his forces pledged loyalty to Barghatti. Barghatti warned that the battle against the Islamic State could turn into a civil war. If the PFG support the GNA and Barghatti, this will mean that Haftar has yet to secure the three oil ports in the crescent that are guarded by the PFG. Some analysts report that the LNA under Haftar will not attack Sirte until it has secured the oil fields. No doubt Haftar would also like to secure the oil ports guarded by the PFG. There have been reports that Jodhran had been replaced by the Al-Thinni government, but if this report is true it has not taken effect. The situation is confusing in that there are conflicting reports. Not long ago a report was issued that an agreement had been struck between the PFG and the LNA but this account contradicts other reports such as the one just discussed. The LNA is in the area of the ports but so far there is no sign of any clashes between the LNA and the PFG. There are no clashes with the Islamic State either which is only a few miles to the west. Haftar is busy attacking the Shura Council fighters in Derna who had been instrumental in driving IS from Derna. He may wait until he has defeated them and secured more oil ports before attacking the IS, unless the Misrata militia whom he considers his enemies gain too much ground. Haftar no doubt wants the HoR government to control as much territory as it can.

Libyan General National Congress claims it still exists but seems to have no power

The former rival of the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HoR) and the UN-brokered Government of National Accord (GNA), the General National Congress (GNC), claims it is still alive and functioning.

The statement did not say where the GNC was meeting or who was still involved in the parliament and the associated Salvation government. Last week, a militia loyal to the GNA and its State Council took over the headquarters of the GNC at the RIxos hotel and offices of the GNC across the street. There was no resistance from the guards loyal to the GNC. The statement condemned the takeover of its headquarters by the State Council. The group asked the Supreme Court to intervene and rule on the legality of the State Council and the Political Agreement. Nothing is likely to happen. Without any supporting militia the GNC group lacks any power to enforce any of its demands.

The statement from the GNC ordered the "National Salvation Government" headed by Khalifa Ghwell, who is under EU sanctions, to continue working and insisted it was the only legitimate Libyan legislature. The GNA has been taking over all the former ministries of the GNC apparently without resistance. One of the ministries previously issued a report that the GNC was dissolved. There does not seem to be any Salvation government left to continue work.

A meeting of the GNA State Council some time ago was also described during its first stages as the last meeting of the GNC. As the GNC, the meeting approved the GNA and amended the constitutional declaration of 2011. It then dissolved itself and became the State Council. A rival meeting of the GNC at its headquarters with its president denounced the State Council meeting and declared it illegal.

The whereabouts of the president of the GNC Nuri Abusahmain is not known. He has not been seen nor heard from since the State Council took over his headquarters and offices. He may be trying to return to his home town of Zuwara, near the Tunisian border. One report claims he has been smuggled back into Zuwara.

While the GNA appears to have been successful in wresting power from the GNC, the same is not true of the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HoR). The Libyan National Army (LNA) under General Khalifa Haftar continues to support the HoR, which has so far refused to vote confidence in the GNA or relinquish power. It has even tried to export oil independently from the Tripoli-based National Oil Company. Haftar has received a large shipment of vehicles and ammunition and is now marching towards Sirte, the stronghold of the Islamic State.

It remains to be seen whether along the way he secures the oil ports and ensures they are not used by the GNA. There are reports that Ibrahim Jodhran, who heads the Petroleum Facility Guards has been fired and replaced by a new HoR appointee. The GNC may be faced with a situation where the HoR government takes over more territory and gains control over more resources.